Johann Friedrich -- Dye Works Damages (1868, 1884)

In a prior post, I noted how between the years 1884 and 1886, Johann Friedrich's dye work factory disappeared from the maps for Jamaica Plain.

1884:



1886:



I was curious if I could uncover any explanation for the difference here, and I have found some more material explaining it. Snippets from Boston newspapers, namely the Boston Globe, the Boston Traveler, and the Boston Post have allowed me to piece it together.

In 1884, a few articles appear on Johann's property. First, he petitions for redress on damages to his property that resulted from the city's work on Stony Brook that ran through his land, which began in 1868 and were finally coming to a head. This request is handled by appointees from the Board of Alderman.

From the May 6th issue of the Boston Traveler:

"Alderman Curtis submitted a report from the Committee on Stony Brook on the petition of Frederick Kohlhepp and others, to be paid for land taken, and for damages occasioned by the improvement of Stony Brook -- That in their opinion the claim is not properly before them, inasmuch as by the provisions of Chapter 196 of the Acts of 1874 the Board of Aldermen are solely empowered to settle claims of this character. They therefore recommend that the claim be referred to the members of this committee on the part of the Board of Alderman.

Accepted and referred accordingly. Sent down.

Alderman Curtis offered an order--That His Honor the Mayor be authorized to appoint three suitable persons who shall determine the amount of betterment the Board of Aldermen may assess upon the estates bordering upon Stony Brook, on account of the improvement of the channel of said brook by the city of Boston, as provided in Chapter 196 of the Acts of 1874."

In the following week's (May 13th) newspaper, it reports the results of this committee, where they provide $1000 of the requested $3500 for the damage done to Johann's property. There are interesting descriptions of his manufacturing buildings being removed as a result of the improvements and damage done to his equipment, which would have impacted the Dye Works. We also see issues with fulfilling his business obligations to someone leasing his property, for which he got sued.

"Stony Brook.

Alderman Curtis submitted a report from the Committee on Stony Brook, on the petition of Frederick Kohlhepp and wife to be compensated for land taken and damages occasioned by the Stony-brook Improvement, that, having heard the petitioners, they recommend the passage of the following:

Ordered, That there be paid to Frederick Kohlhepp the sum of $1000 for all damages occasioned to his estate by the improvement of Stony Brook under Chapter 223 of the acts of 1868, or chapter 196 of the acts of 1874, or any acts relating to said improvement whether done by the town of West Roxbury or the city of Boston, upon his giving to the city a deed or release satisfactory to the city solicitor, granting to the city of Boston "the right and privilege to keep and forever maintain at its own proper cost and expense the new channel of Stony Brook, through the land of said Kohlhepp, at its present width, and to maintain and repair the stone walls on either side of said channel at their present height and width, and to enter on the same for the purpose of repairing and cleaning the said channel and walls, and of removing any obstructions to the free flow of the water in the said new channel of said brook, and an acquittance and discharge for all damages, costs, and expense in concequence of the taking and of other acts of said town or city;" said sum to be charged to the appropriation for Stony Brook Improvement.

Alderman Curtis -- This case was begun in 1868, and had been wending its way down through the courts and the city government until the present time. Their claim was $3500. We gave the party quite a number of hearings, and have finally compromised for $1000. The channel of the brook was changed from the line where it went through this man's land. His manufacturing buildings were removed and his machinery was destroyed or injured to a great extent. His building was let at the time, he was sued by the lessee, and judgment was rendered against him. He has been in court about as long as he wants to be. He came to this Board for redress in 1881. We have now agreed with him upon a settlement which I think is fair and equitable, and it does not take away the right of the city to assess betterments upon his land for the improvement of the brook. He has accepted our terms, and I think it is no more than fair and just that he should be paid.

The order was passed. Sent down."

This order being passed is described in the May 13th issue of the Boston Globe too, where it briefly notes, "to pay to Frederick Kohlhepp $1000 for damages occasioned to his estate by the improvement of Stony brook."

With this cleared up, it still doesn't answer how Johann's land was impacted between 1884 and 1886. What transpired in those proceedings was of a historical nature in the 1860's.

What really spells out what happened to the land is an article in the December 20th 1884 issue of the Boston Traveler. A fire broke out and burned his building:

"Alarm from 521 at an early hour today was occasioned by a fire in the dye house of Fred Kohlhepp, at Jamaica Plain, which before the firemen could get under control had badly damaged the building. The loss was placed by an employee at $3900 and is covered by an insurance of $1000.

It is estimated that the loss on the fire, which partially destroyed the building of Joseph H. Curtis of Jamaica Plain, will reach $8000, which is covered by insurance. A. A. Bestwick of Engine 28 had his right arm broken by a hose stricking him, while he was on a ladder player on the fire."

From the maps, it appears that the fire took the Dye Works building out of commission altogether.

Eastern States Mission - 1896

The records of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints show that Fred was also called to serve in the Eastern States mission. The third volume of the Missionary Department's missionary records (1860-1959) have this entry on page 29, entry 381:

Let's zoom in more closely to the headers and Fred's entry:

To drop this more of a list format:

No: 381
Missionaries' Names: Frederick John Kohlhepp
Names of Parents - Father: Frederick Kohlhepp
Names of Parents - Mother's Maiden Name: Elizabeth Welzler [Wetzler]
When Born - Month, Day, Year: Feb. 13 1862
Where Born - Town, County, State or Nation: Chelsea, Mass.
Date of Baptism - Month, Day, Year: Oct 22 1886
By Whom Baptized: Franklin G. Clifford
In What Quorum: Seventy, 88th Quo.
Present Residence: Neeleyville, Oneida, Ida.
Where Sent on This Mission: Eastern States
When Set Apart - Month, Day Year: " 24 " [June 24, 1896]
When Set Apart - By Whom: " " " [F. D. Richards]
Returned: No entry

Items of interest:

(a) This mission surprises me. I have no record in family history or writings that he served away from his family during this time period. The records show no end date for this mission of his. Did he not end up going, or how long did he serve? I'll need to investigate this further. I am curious who was over the Eastern States Mission at this time, and the region it encompassed.

UPDATE: Another record claims that Fred was superintendent of sunday school from August 1896 to 1899. Given him being set apart in June 24, 1896, if he did end up going, it was a very short time. My belief is that he never made it out there. This was probably a motivator for him choosing to go when a call came the second time.

(b) Notes when Fred was baptized, and by whom. Who was Franklin G. Clifford?

(c) Notes Fred in 88th quorum of the Seventies. Would be interesting to right some on how seventy were organized in late 19th century.

(d) Resident in 1896 in Neeleyville. Not referenced as Neeley at the time.

(e) Set apart by F. D. Richards.

Mary Ella Hickman Autobiography 1:

In 1977, Glendy Baddley donated to the LDS Church Historicial department a document by Mary Ella Kohlhepp Martineau that described her family history in her matriarchal line from the American colonial days down to her own life. With each of the historical personages, she writes as if she were them, but stays close to her actual family history. The document was written likely somewhere between 1933-1938 when she was living at 270 Vine Street in Salt Lake City, Utah. It can still be seen in the Church Archives in Salt Lake City as MS 5739 under the title "Story of the lives of her great-grandmother Mary Thayer Bundy, her mother, Minerva Wade Hickman, and herself." In her account, Mary Ella mentions some information about Fred and their family arrangements during their marriage. This comes from pages 6-7 of the account. I will share the other half of the account in the next post:

When I married in 1886, we went on a homestead in Idaho. There were great expenses building fencing, clearing the sagebrush off the land, and everything that goes with building a new country. Often the two of us lived on less than a dollar a week. We could buy one hundred pounds of potatoes for fifty cents. Jackrabbits were plentiful and my husband was a good shot. Our meat diet was cottontail or bunny fried in butter.

When we had exhausted all our means on the homestead, my husband got his job back in Pocatello. Every six months, however, it was necessary to return to the ranch in order to hold it. Before we proved upon it my husband met with an accident and lost the sight of one eye. He thought if I had to take the living I could do better in some town where he could help raise a garden. We got a little home ten miles from Ogden. I made coats into capes as capes were then the fashion, and did dress-making and sewing of all sorts.

When our six months were up my husband again returned to the homestead to look after things. He wrote to me to follow [him to Idaho] as a man had decided to jump our claim if we did not return. We had two mares with colts, and I rigged up a white top buggy, filled the box with food and clothing, and a bed on top of everything, put in my five little children and on the fifteenth of September 1884 we started out.

p.7

When we reached Curlew Valley it snowed so we stayed three days at my brother's. After leaving my brother's we camped at night. I gave the children their supper then told them stories until they went to sleep.

My oldest daughter asked me recently if I remembered how the wolves howled around our camp when we were going back to Idaho to save our homestead. She said, "I think they were trying to get the colts." It was such a dreary lonely place and she was afraid of their mournful howl, but when she would mention that I would only say, "It's nothing but coyotes," and go on with the story. She thought that if I was not afraid it was all right. She says I taught her the greatest psychology in her childhood she has ever learned. "If it is anything bad the Lord won't let it hurt you. If it is anything good it won't hurt you, so don't be afraid of anything."

NOTES:

1. It is interesting how Mary Ella only refers to Fred as "my husband." Other accounts in the story mention Moses Wade her grandfather, but she never mentions her father (Wild Bill Hickman) or Fred directly. Since many names of men, besides these, are neglected, it may not have been a specific choice to omit Fred's name alone. Perhaps her new marriage also influenced this.

2. Mary Ella mentions a lot about their trying to "prove up" a homestead in Idaho. She mentions the hard toil in clearing out the land for their work. She also explains how poverty stricken they both were out there. Fred's shooting skills are noted, and how he kept shooting Cottontail to put meat into their diet.

3. It looks like the life on the homestead grew too hard with tthe lack of finances. Fred had to work in Pocatello (over at the railroad, which this account does not mention), but then had that terrible eye incident as I mentioned in prior posts. With his inability to see out of one eye, Mary Ella implies here that Fred couldn't find other manual labor as he had done throughout his life. People apparently didn't want to hire someone with poor vision, and who didn't have the healthiest build to boot. Mary Ella claims that it was Fred's suggestion that she should become the primary bread winner after this point, and that he would supplement the family's income/provisions by creating a garden. Ella did a lot of seamstress work, and she was quite excellent. My grandmother still has many nice lace tablecloths that Ella made. They moved near Ogden, UT, which is where Mary Ella's mother, Minerva Wade Hickman lived. However, they still wanted to keep their land in Idaho, and they couldn't leave the land too long or they would lose their right to possess it. The Ogden moved was out of desperation; they still wanted their Idaho home. Fred took the effort to head back and check on the land. But this was no easy for them to juggle, especially when someone else had wanted to jump their claim. Imagine being a mother throwing 5 young kids into a buggy and riding across rugged country to Idaho! The howling of those wolves certainly would have been frightening. Mary Ella mentioned staying three nights at her brother's. She had many brothers, so I am not sure which one she is referring to here.

4. She mentioned leaving in September 1884, but this must either be a typo or an error. She wasn't married until 1886, so how can she have left for Idaho with 5 kids by then? 1894 might be more likely. I will have to go through my gedcom and see if she had 5 living children by then.

Religious Experience, Mormons, Marriage, and Miracles (Lisbonbee Account 4)

Continuing Eda's account:

“Well back to the story again, as father wnet on his Westward travels. He had many interesting experiences I have heard him say ( many times) he awoke at night hearing his name called and heard a voice say, “Fred, Fred why are you wasting your time here.” He was raised in a religious home, and always no matter where he was said his prayers before going to sleep at night. The Lord was with him.

He had heard about Utah and the Mormons. The most he had heard was none too good. In his journey he came to a fork in the road. One road went south the other to Utah. He let his horse choose the way. The horse took the road to Utah. So father came to Utah, in 1886 when he was 24 years old.

Along about this time he dreamed of a beautiful girl. He never forgot the dream, and was always looking for the girl. In Utah he went to work in a mine near Toole. Father Guilliand, a Methodist Minister he had met before in his travels, looked him up to keep him from the Mormons. One Sunday night walking down an aisle in the Methosids churchin Toole, he came face to face with the girl of his dream. My father was a handsome young man 6ft. tall. He had black cury hair and dark brown yees, and there was beautiful little mother, just five ft. 2 inches with beautiful big blue eyes, and brown hair. Her skin was white and clear as lily. It was love at first sight. He looked at her and she at him. Thinking they know each other. After an embarrassing monment they excused themselves and parted. Later they met again through a mutual friend. Mother was visiting a brother in Tooele, and had attended the Methodis church with a girl friend. Mother preached the gospel to my father. He had found what he was searching for. He was baptized 6 days after they were married, nine months later they were sealed in the Logan Temple. Mother was ill at the time with rheumatism. She went into the temple on crutches and came out walking. She had been healed. [3]”

Commentary:

1. The Call. Eda emphasizes how Fred was strongly impressed by the need to stop wasting his time by wandering from place to place. Or was he pushed from place to place by being told that that he was wasting his time here?

2. I think Eda is the only one to mention Fred’s religious upbringing and his attention to personal prayers.

3. The horse story is further elaborated in Fred’s partial autobiography.

4. The Methodist Church and Mary Ella. Eda’s account here is unique in being so detailed. We learn why Fred went to the Methodist church and what minister was guiding him. We see that he met Mary Ella at this Methodist church. What she was doing in the church was another question, given that she was a Mormon. I believe another account claims she was singing in the choir, and he noticed her there, while walking down the aisle. Eda’s account has her just visiting a brother, and attending the Methodist church with her friend.

5. Although Eda is romanticizing their physical descriptions, it is still nice to receive them. The description of Fred somewhat matches the description given in the passport application. This is the first description of Mary Ella that I have ever read.

6. Fred’s conversion. It is interesting that they were married before Fred joined the church. She must have had a lot of confidence in his decision-making. Of course, his baptismal date must have been set before then. I think it shows of Mary Ella’s personality that she preached the gospel to him. While Fred must have been receptive in many senses, I don’t think he immediately “fell in.” There is a copy of a letter from this time period in the special collections at BYU in the Minerva Teichert papers from Mary Ella to Fred, which seems to note some possible tension here. I will transcribe the letter when I locate it later.

7. The healing story that occurred at the temple sealing is unique, noted only here in Eda’s account to my knowledge.